percentage of high school graduates in the black population in Springfield
increased 45.4% while the percentage of high school graduates in the
black population in Illinois increased 42.9%. A subtraction shows that
the Springfield increase was 2.5 percentage points more than the Illinois
5. U.S. Bureau of the Census publications indicate that between 1970
and 1980, the median family income in the black population in Springfield
increased 87.6% while the percentage in the black population in Illinois
increased 85.7%. Subtraction shows that the Springfield increase was 1.9
percentage points more than the Illinois increase.
6. U.S. Bureau of the Census publications indicate that between 1970
and 1980, the per capita personal income for the black population in
Springfield increased 131.8% while the percentage in the black population
in Illinois increased 120.6%. Subtraction shows that the Springfield
increase was 11.2 percentage points more than the Illinois increase.
7. U.S. Bureau of the Census publications indicate that between 1970
and 1980, the percentage of families below the poverty level in the black
population in Springfield increased 16.9% while the percentage in the
black population in Illinois increased 53.1%. Subtraction shows that the
Illinois increase was 36.2 percentage points more than the Springfield
8. U.S. Bureau of the Census publications indicate that between 1970
and 1980, the median value of owner-occupied dwelling units in the black
population in Springfield increased 188.3% while the percentage in the
black population in Illinois increased 105.3%. Subtraction shows that the
Springfield increase was 83 percentage points more than the Illinois
H. COMMUNITY SERVICES
1. The Springfield public library, which is operated by the City, has
never maintained more than four branch library facilities at any given
2. From January 10, 1927, with the exception of a period of time
totalling less than one year, there has been at least one library branch
maintained east of 9th Street.
3. From July 28, 1968, to September of 1983, there were two library
branches maintained east of 9th Street.
4. There is a library branch currently maintained in one of the five
census tracts which combined contain 73.4% of the blacks residing in
5. The library branches referred to above were either located in, or
one block from, one of the five census tracts which combined contain
73.4% of the blacks residing in Springfield.
6. Since at least 1974, the Springfield public library has recognized a
black history week or month by sponsoring various events at the library
relating to black history and culture.
7. Of the 31 census tracts in which Springfield is located, 3 of the 5
census tracts which combined contain 73.4% of the blacks residing in
Springfield have a park owned by a government body, while 16 of the
remaining 26 census tracts have such a park. The percentage of the black
census tracts having a park is 60% while the percentage of the remaining
census tracts having a park is 61.5%.
8. The only facility owned by the City which contains an indoor
gymnasium is located in one of the five census tracts which combined
contain 73.4% of the blacks living in Springfield.
9. There are three public swimming pools within the City of
Springfield. Two of those pools are owned by the Springfield Park
District. The third pool is owned by the City of Springfield. The pool
owned by the City of Springfield and one of the pools owned by the park
district are located within the five census tracts which contain 73.4% of
the black population of Springfield. The pool owned by the City was
operated jointly by the City and the school district until 1981 when the
school district ceased participating. Thereafter, the City operated the
pool alone until 1986 when the pool was closed.
I. HISTORY OF OFFICIAL DISCRIMINATION IN VOTING
1. Illinois has no history of poll taxes or literacy tests which were
used to prevent citizens from registering to vote or from voting.
2. The physical acts of registering and voting are in no way hampered
or discouraged in Springfield by official governmental action. To the
contrary, under recent amendments to the Illinois Registration and Voters
Act, registration is encouraged and facilitated by the Springfield
Election Commission and registration places and registrars are numerous
and readily available.
3. Between 1968 and 1984, the Springfield Board of Election
Commissioners has conducted voter registration at least every other year
at locations within at least one of the following census tracts: 8, 15,
16, 17, and 24.
4. Two possible forms of official discrimination in voting exist in
Springfield under the Commission form of government. They are: (1) the
absence of any cumulative voting rights (no bullet voting) because of the
designated seat plan adopted in 1966, i.e., each commission candidate
must run for a designated seat; (2) the requirement that, after the
non-partisan primary, the two top vote-getters for each office in the
primary run against each other in the general election. There is no
official majority vote requirement in Illinois, but requiring the two
candidates who attain the most votes in the non-partisan primary to run
against each other in the general election has the same effect.*fn2
J. EFFECTS OF PAST SEGREGATION AND DISCRIMINATION ON
1. The effects of past racial discrimination in fields such as
education, employment, housing, and health are recognized as lessening
the ability of a minority to vote effectively for candidates of its
choice. The evidence in the case shows that the City of Springfield,
while it had no Jim Crow laws, nonetheless, like many similar northern
cities, was a segregated and racially isolated community until about
twenty-five years ago.
2. The testimony of the lay witnesses and the testimony of expert
witnesses Dr. Lawrence C. Golden and Dr. Chandler Davidson, all of which
the court credits, are that until perhaps the past twenty-five years
Springfield was a segregated city with the blacks racially isolated in the
eastern part of the City.
3. The 1908 race riot is probably the historical landmark marking the
beginning of the segregation and racial isolation of the minority
4. In 1911, Springfield adopted the commission form of government with
at-large elections and abandoned the mayor/aldermanic form of government
with aldermen elected by wards.
5. Housing was segregated; education was segregated; blacks were
limited in employment opportunities to service or labor occupations.
6. Commencing in the late fifties and early sixties with the United
States Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483,
74 S.Ct. 686, 98 L.Ed. 873 (1954), and the Civil Rights Acts of 1964,
Springfield began to emerge from being a racially segregated city.
7. Today, Springfield is more integrated in its housing and in its
education than it was a generation ago. Blacks enjoy greater
socioeconomic success than they did prior to the early 1960's, but the
effects of the past discriminations and disadvantages are still felt.
8. The blacks in Springfield, the evidence shows and the court finds,
still are the lowest socioeconomic group in the community. Their housing
is still the poorest quality of the housing in the community,
and they continue to suffer health deficiencies beyond that of the white
9. The Springfield death rate of black infants exceeds that of black
infants in Chicago and that of white infants in Springfield. The
Springfield Director of Health DeKroger is at a loss to explain the higher
black infant mortality rate in Springfield.
10. These disparities exist notwithstanding the progress Springfield
has made in the last twenty years toward a more open and equal
opportunity society for its black minority.
11. While Dr. MacManus, the social science expert called by the
defendants, believes that blacks and whites in the same socioeconomic
status tend to vote in similar numbers, she admitted on cross-examination
that the leading socioeconomic indicators show a growing disparity
between blacks and whites in Springfield between 1970 and 1980.
12. The lingering effects of segregation and racial isolation are seen
in the statistics of black turnout at the polls. The voting participation
of blacks continues to lag well behind that of whites.*fn4 Blacks
participate at a rate of one-third to one-half of white voters. Dr.
MacManus agreed on cross-examination that such was the case.
K. RACIALLY POLARIZED VOTING
1. The testimony of the witnesses overwhelmingly supports the finding
that extreme racially polarized voting exists in Springfield, Illinois.
The lay witnesses, Frank W. McNeil, Rudolph V. Davenport, Kenneth
Barton, Dr. Douglas Kane, Dr. Edwin A. Lee, Sr., and the expert
witnesses, Dr. Race Davies, Dr. Chandler Davidson, Dr. Charles Bullock,
and Dr. Allen Lichtman, agreed on that point. If the definition of
racially polarized voting set out in Thornburg v. Gingles is applied to
Springfield election results, extreme racially polarized voting exists in
2. Dr. Kane testified, and the court finds, that the blacks within the
proposed Ward 6 vote cohesively.
3. Using proposed Ward 6 as a model, Kane analyzed city-wide elections
since 1979 to determine the ability of blacks to elect black candidates
to the SMEAA Board, Park Board, the School Board, and to the city council
as commissioners and mayor. In the contests he analyzed, Kane found that
only one out of eight black candidates won in city-wide election, but if
you counted only the votes in proposed Ward 6, eight out of the eight
black candidates would have won.
4. In the 15 races he analyzed where blacks had run as candidates, Kane
found that two out of fifteen black candidates had won city-wide
contests. In proposed Ward 6, Kane found that fourteen of the fifteen
blacks would have been successful.
5. Kane used simple arithmetic demonstrations to show who voted for
whom and where in past elections.*fn5
6. I find the testimony of the witness Dr. Race Davies to be credible.
He withstood two days of vigorous cross-examination
of his opinions and of his work and analysis of the electoral
demographics in Springfield, Illinois. In addition, his opinion that
racially polarized voting existed in Springfield, Illinois, was reviewed
and corroborated by such nationally recognized authorities on the subject
as Dr. Chandler Davidson of Rice University and Dr. Allen Lichtman of
7. In addition, the defendants' expert witness on racially polarized
voting, Dr. Charles Bullock of the University of Georgia, derived
regression estimates that showed more extreme racial polarization than
the estimates derived by Dr. Davies. Dr. Bullock agreed that if the
Thornburg v. Gingles definition of racially polarized voting was applied
to either his work or Dr. Davies' work, it would show that extreme
racially polarized voting existed in Springfield, Illinois.*fn6
8. Dr. Davies concluded in his report, and the court finds, that:
Over the past 16 years, black voters have strongly
favored black candidates when the opportunity arose,
while most white voters have persistently opposed
them. In a city with an at-large election system where
white residents outnumber blacks nearly nine to one,
such racial bloc voting would preclude a black from
being elected to the City Commission.
This extended analysis of voting in local elections
in Springfield demonstrates that in races where there
is a black candidate, most blacks vote for the black.
White voters overwhelmingly prefer white candidates
under the same circumstances. This is racially
Plaintiffs' Exhibit 32, p. 9.
9. Dr. Davies validated his conclusions and observations through the
recognized procedures of ecological regression analysis and homogeneous
10. Dr. Allan J. Lichtman, a nationally recognized expert in the use of
ecological regression analysis, reviewed Davies' work and pronounced it
sound and validly based.
11. In summarizing the results of his regression analysis, Dr. Davies
said, and the court finds:
The results indicate racial polarization in each
election, as a greater proportion of black than of
white voters favored the black candidate. In every
election but the most recent one, a substantial
majority of blacks favored the black candidate whereas
a substantial majority of whites opposed the black
The results show a highly cohesive black
electorate. In four of the elections no blacks voted
for the white candidate, and in four others the white
candidates were rejected by 60 to 93% of the black
voters. In not one of the contests did blacks favor
election of a white candidate. For all nine contests,
a mean of 85% of black voters voted for the black
The results reveal a white electorate that was
consistently opposed to black candidates. In one
election white support for a black candidate was
almost as high as support by blacks, but in the eight
other contests, between 57 and 98 percent of the white
voters favored a white candidate. For all nine
contests, the average level of support for black
candidates by white voters was 24 percent, whereas an
average of only 14 percent of blacks favored white
Plaintiffs' Exhibit 32, pp. 4, 5.